By Gabriel Piterberg
Within the area of six years early within the 17th century, the Ottoman Empire underwent such turmoil and trauma--the assassination of the younger ruler Osman II, the re-enthronement and next abdication of his mad uncle Mustafa I, for a start--that a pupil stated the period's three-day-long dramatic climax "an Ottoman Tragedy." below Gabriel Piterberg's deft research, this era of main issue turns into a ancient laboratory for the heritage of the Ottoman Empire within the 17th century--an chance to watch the dialectical play among background as an prevalence and adventure and heritage as a recounting of that have. Piterberg reconstructs the Ottoman narration of this fraught interval from the foundational textual content, produced within the early 1620s, to the composition of the country narrative on the finish of the 17th century. His paintings brings theories of historiography into discussion with the particular interpretation of Ottoman old texts, and forces a rethinking of either Ottoman historiography and the Ottoman country within the 17th century. A provocative reinterpretation of a huge occasion in Ottoman background, this paintings reconceives the relation among historiography and historical past.
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Extra info for An Ottoman Tragedy: History and Historiography at Play
An ideology stressing the constant need to ﬁght for the faith on the frontiers of Islam). Since a perfect ideological sealing is unattainable, especially in the age of manuscripts that attempt to construct a tradition on the basis of oral tales, the deviations from the state-led gaza ideology that have crept in allow glances at the onion’s core through its distorting layers. 7 In Kafadar’s view, garlic is a more appropriate metaphor for early Ottoman historiography up to the ﬁfteenth century.
1413 –21). However, between the adventure with Mehmed I in the early 1410s and another with a member of one of the most illustrious gazi families, Mihalog˘lu Mehmed Bey, a decade later, Apz fell ill. He chose to recover and spend some time with an old man, Yahs¸i Fakih, the son of the imam of Orhan Gazi (r. 1324 – 62). It was at the home of Yahs¸i Fakih that Apz became acquainted with the menakib (gaza tales) that the old man had collected and written down. Kafadar rightly observes that, apart from Apz’s illness, nothing was accidental: There is every reason to assume [that] Apz felt comfortable in the sociocultural milieu he was born into.
Unlike Apz, Nes¸ri came from among the ulema. His work was written not more than a decade after Apz’s and was an attempt to amalgamate three clusters of historical sources: the ﬁrst was a group of works of which Apz’s text is a major representative; the second comprised what can be called court histories (most notably Ahmedi’s and S¸ukrüllah’s); and the third comprised annalistic calendars. Menage’s analysis of Nes¸ri’s text and Kafadar’s argument suggest that although these clusters had common features, they at the same time kept their distinct identity.