By Orhan Pamuk
C’est dans le quartier occidental de Nişantaşi que Cevdet Bey, un riche marchand musulman, s’installe avec son épouse pour fonder une famille.
Nous sommes en 1905 et le sultan Abdülhamid II vient d’échapper à un attentat. Les élites turques contestent de plus en plus fortement le règne despotique des dirigeants ottomans, le can pay se trouve alors à un tournant historique que Cevdet a pour projet de relater dans ses Mémoires.
Trente ans plus tard, l. a. Turquie n’est en effet plus los angeles même après l. a. réforme du régime politique, le bouleversement des mœurs, et l. a. mise en position d’un nouvel alphabet. Les fils de Cevdet Bey en profitent pour prendre des instructions différentes dans ce will pay gagné par los angeles modernité.
Et c’est à los angeles troisième génération, en 1970, qu’un besoin de retour vers les origines vient sceller cette fresque turque. Ahmet, qui est artiste-peintre, s’attaque au portrait de son grand-père, mort dans les années soixante, et ainsi à celui de toute une nation...
Cevdet Bey et ses fils est le leading roman écrit par Orhan Pamuk. Toute son œuvre affleure déjà dans cette significant fresque à trois temps qui dépeint magistralement l’émergence d'une Turquie moderne, thème qu’il déclinera sans cesse dans l. a. suite de sa construction littéraire.
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The move not only gave impetus to the Kemalist movement, it led finally to a vastly destructive war between Greece and Turkey in which both sides committed extensive atrocities against Anatolian civilians of the contrary religion. France further inflamed the ethnic situation in Cilicia 24 Introduction by its own imperial machinations, including the manipulation of Armenian national aspirations. As France was forced out of Cilicia in 1920–1 and Britain’s Greek proxy likewise out of Anatolia in 1922, each power was forced to readjust to the realities of the situation.
27 British imperial policy had by that time shifted again, in its emphases if not its ends. (See Pl. ) British policy had always been more anti-Russian than pro-Ottoman. Christian consciences, some in successive British cabinets, were shaken by ongoing anti-Christian abuses—though not by the brutality of insurgent Christian irregular forces or their Russian ‘protectors’—and no more so than during the ‘Bulgarian atrocities’ of 1876. After the Crimean War, serious British sacrifice to support an Ottoman edifice that had seemingly failed to help itself would be most controversial, particularly if it meant bolstering Istanbul’s rule over Christian peoples—and up to the Eastern crisis, talk of ‘suffering Christianity’ had generally conjured up Slavs and Greeks in the Ottoman European dominions.
We are entreated by such leading scholars as Donald Quataert and Roderic H. 28 Quite so, as historians tiring of the implicit stereotype of supine orientals in much Western scholarship on late imperial China have also observed over the past two decades. Yet this means that alongside acknowledging Ottoman efforts to resist European economic control, for instance, or to discard the capitulations and make favourable alliances, we must also acknowledge the weight of the state’s agency in less praiseworthy aspects of ‘national development’: in this case, mass murder.